When a nation is doomed to days of misfortune, its vision falls weaker and it does not pay due attention towards taking a lesson and warning from events. As such, instead of taking admonition from the exile of the Banū Qainuqā‘, and refraining from acts of mischief and disturbance; and instead of allowing the Muslims to live in peace and living their own lives in peace, the remaining two tribes from among the Jews did not change their behaviour. In hiding, they continued to kindle flames of mischief against the Muslims, and continued to conspire with the Quraish of Makkah as well. As a matter of fact, after the exile of the Banū Qainuqā‘, the hostility of the Jews grew even more than before, and their plans began to take on a more dangerous state day by day. As such, not long after the incidents of Rajī‘ and Bi’r-e-Ma‘ūnah, when the course of events took on a more critical state, for his own protection, the Holy Prophet(sa) was compelled to take military action against the Banū Naḍīr, due to which, this tribe was ultimately exiled from Madīnah as well. Describing the causes leading up to this Ghazwah, experts of Ḥadīth and Sīrat have presented varying factors. Due to these varying views, a difference of opinion has also arisen with respect to the era of this Ghazwah. Ibni Isḥāq and Ibni Sa‘d, who I have followed here without any specific investigation, have placed the Ghazwah of Banū Naḍīr after the battle of Uḥud and the incident of Bi’r-e-Ma‘ūnah. In support of this view, they write that on his way back to Madīnah, ‘Amr bin Umayyah Ḍamrī(ra), who was taken captive and then released by the disbelievers in the incident of Bi’r-e-Ma‘ūnah, encountered two men from the tribe of Banū ‘Āmir, who had entered into a treaty with the Holy Prophet(sa). Since ‘Amr was unaware of this treaty and agreement, upon finding an opportunity, he killed these two men in retribution for the martyrs of Bi’r-e-Ma‘ūnah, whose deaths were owed to a chieftain of the Banū ‘Āmir, named ‘Āmir bin Ṭufail, even though, as mentioned earlier, the people of Banū ‘Āmir had themselves refrained from this murder and bloodshed. When ‘Amr bin Umayyah(ra) arrived to Madīnah, he submitted the entire account to the Holy Prophet(sa), and told him about the killing of those two men as well. When the Holy Prophet(sa) was informed of the killing of these two men, he was very displeased by this action of ‘Amr bin Umayyah(ra), and said, “They were our confederates.” The Holy Prophet(sa) immediately sent the blood-money of both these men to the respective families. However, since the people of the Banū ‘Āmir were allies of the Banū Naḍīr, and the Banū Naḍīr were allies of the Muslims, by virtue of treaty, the Banū Naḍīr were also liable to bear an equal share of the blood-money. As such, along with a few of his Companions, the Holy Prophet(sa) went to the settlement of the Banū Naḍīr and explaining the entire incident, he asked for their share of the blood-money. Apparently, it seemed as if they were joyous upon the arrival of the Holy Prophet(sa), and asked him to sit while they went and arranged for the money at once. As such, the Holy Prophet(sa) took a seat in the shade of a wall along with his Companions, and the Banū Naḍīr retired to one side in order to deliberate. They apparently made it seem as if they were arranging for the money, but instead of this, they actually schemed that this was a perfect opportunity. They thought that as Muḥammad[sa] was sitting in the shade of a house up against its wall; if someone were to climb to the top of the house from the opposite side and throw a large stone upon the Holy Prophet(sa), he could be finished once and for all.1 From among the Jews, an individual by the name of Salām bin Mashkam opposed this idea and argued that this was an act of treachery, and violated the terms of their agreement with the Holy Prophet(sa), but the others did not pay heed.2 Finally, a Jew by the name of ‘Amr bin Jaḥḥāsh climbed to the top of the house with a very large stone and was about to roll it off from above, but it is narrated that God the Exalted informed the Holy Prophet(sa) about this sinister plan of the Jews by way of revelation. The Holy Prophet(sa) stood up immediately, and this was so unexpected that his Companions as well as the Jews thought that the Holy Prophet(sa) had stood up to attend to an immediate matter. Hence, they continued to calmly sit and wait for the Holy Prophet(sa). However, the Holy Prophet(sa) made way to Madīnah at once. The Companions waited for the Holy Prophet(sa) for some time, but when he did not return, they stood up in concern, and during the course of their search for the Holy Prophet(sa), ultimately saw their way to Madīnah as well. It was then that the Holy Prophet(sa) informed the Companions of the dangerous conspiracy of the Jews.3 After this, the Holy Prophet(sa) called upon Muḥammad bin Maslamah(ra), a chief of the Aus tribe and said:
“Go to the Banū Naḍīr and speak to them about this issue. Tell them that since they have gone too far in their acts of mischief and their treachery has reached its extreme limit, it is no longer appropriate for them to remain in Madīnah. It is better that they leave Madīnah and take up residence somewhere else.”
The Holy Prophet(sa) gave them a time limit of ten days.
When Muḥammad bin Maslamah(ra) went to them, they behaved most arrogantly and said, “Tell Muḥammad[sa] that we are not prepared to leave Madīnah, do what you may.” When the Holy Prophet(sa) received this response from the Jews, he spontaneously said, “God is the Greatest, it appears as if the Jews are prepared for war.”4 The Holy Prophet(sa) instructed the Muslims to prepare and stepped into the field of battle against the Banū Naḍīr with a group of his Companions.
Most historians have adopted the above-mentioned narration, to the extent that this very narration has become generally renowned and prominent in history. However, in contrast to this, an authentic narration has been transmitted by Imām Zuhrī. This narration states that after the Battle of Badr (the exact year and month are not known), the chieftains of the Quraish wrote a letter to the Banū Naḍīr saying, “Declare war against Muḥammad[sa] and the Muslims, or we shall wage war against you.” Upon this, the Banū Naḍīr mutually consulted and decided that they should tactfully assassinate the Holy Prophet(sa). To this end, they schemed to invite the Holy Prophet(sa) by some excuse, and then find an opportunity to murder him. As such, they sent word to the Holy Prophet(sa) that they would like to arrange a religious dialogue between the Holy Prophet(sa) and their own scholars.5 They claimed that if the truth of the Holy Prophet(sa) became evident to them, they would accept him; therefore, the Holy Prophet(sa) should come along with thirty Companions so that an exchange of religious views could take place with thirty Jewish scholars.6 On the one hand, they conveyed this message to the Holy Prophet(sa), while on the other, they consolidated their scheme and fully prepared accordingly. They conspired that after the Holy Prophet(sa) had arrived, these very same “scholars,” secretly possessing hidden daggers, would find an opportunity and assassinate the Holy Prophet(sa). However, a lady from the tribe of the Banū Naḍīr, transmitted timely information with respect to the evil motives of her people to a man from the Anṣār, who was her brother. The Holy Prophet(sa) had only just left his residence, when he received this news and returned.7 The Holy Prophet(sa) immediately commanded mobilisation, and set out towards the fortresses of the Banū Naḍīr. As soon as he reached there, the Holy Prophet(sa) besieged them and sent a message to their chieftains that under the circumstances which had come to light, they could not be permitted to remain in Madīnah, until they were to settle a new treaty with the Holy Prophet(sa) and assure him that they would not violate their treaty and commit treachery again. The Jews, however, plainly refused to settle another treaty, and in this manner, war commenced. The Banū Naḍīr very arrogantly took to their fortresses. On the following day, the Holy Prophet(sa) received news, or perhaps gathered from circumstances that the other tribe of the Jews, known as the Banū Quraiẓah was also displaying signs of rebellion. The Holy Prophet(sa) took along a detachment and marched towards the fortresses of the Banū Quraiẓah and besieged them as well. When the Banū Quraiẓah saw that their secret had been leaked, they became fearful and seeking forgiveness, settled a new treaty of peace and security, and a mutual alliance with the Holy Prophet(sa). Upon this, the Holy Prophet(sa) lifted the siege and returned to the fortresses of the Banū Naḍīr. However, the Banū Naḍīr persisted in their obstinacy and hostility, and a proper state of war commenced.8
These are the two varying narrations which have been related with respect to the cause of the Ghazwah of Banū Naḍīr. From a historical perspective, the latter narration is more correct and authentic, and other narrations also support this in principle. However, the first narration has been more widely accepted by historians and various authentic Aḥādīth have also alluded to its authenticity. As such, although Imām Bukhārī has given precedence to the narration of Zuhrī, he has still mentioned the blood-money of the two people who were killed from the ‘Āmir tribe.9 Therefore, in our opinion, if both narrations are deemed to be correct and taken together, there is no harm in this. Albeit, as far as the era of this Ghazwah is concerned, one narration must be given preference from among the two, because in this respect, both narrations cannot be correct. It appears as if on various occasions, different causes for war were created by the Banū Naḍīr, and the Holy Prophet(sa) continued to grant them respite and dealt with them in a forgiving manner. However, when the final cause arose after the incident of Bi’r-e-Ma‘ūnah, the Holy Prophet(sa) reminded them of all their previous designs and finally took military action against them. In other words, all the causes which have been mentioned are correct in their own right, but the final motivating factor was the one that took place when the blood-money was demanded for the two men killed from the Banū ‘Āmir. 10
It should also be remembered that Ka‘b bin Ashraf, whose execution has been alluded to above and who had ignited a fire of hostility against the Muslims was also from the Banū Naḍīr.
In any case, the Jewish tribe of the Banū Naḍīr violated their treaty and acted treacherously, and conspired to assassinate the Holy Prophet(sa). When they were told that under these circumstances it was no longer appropriate for them to remain in Madīnah and that they should leave, they behaved arrogantly and rebelliously. Furthermore, they refused to settle a new treaty and became prepared for war. For this reason, the Holy Prophet(sa) had no other choice but to step into the field of battle. As such, in his own absence, the Holy Prophet(sa) appointed Ibni Maktūm(ra) as the Imāmuṣ-Ṣalāt for the settlement of Madīnah. With a group of Companions, the Holy Prophet(sa) set out from Madīnah himself and besieged the village of the Banū Naḍīr. According to the custom of warfare at the time, the Banū Naḍīr took to their fortresses. It was perhaps on this occasion that ‘Abdullāh bin Ubayy bin Sulūl and the other hypocrites of Madīnah sent word to the chieftains of the Banū Naḍīr saying, “Do not fear the Muslims at all, for we shall support you and shall fight on your behalf.” However, to the surprise of the Banū Naḍīr, when war practically commenced, these hypocrites could not muster the courage to openly enter the field of battle in opposition to the Holy Prophet(sa);11 nor could the Banū Quraiẓah dare to step into the battlefield against the Muslims and openly aid the Banū Naḍīr either, although they were with them at heart, and would aid them in secret as well; and the Muslims had even become aware of this.12 In any case, the Banū Naḍīr did not openly take to the field in opposition to the Muslims and retired to their fortresses instead. However, according to the circumstances of that era, their fortresses were very strong and for this reason, they were confident that the Muslims would be able to do them no harm whatsoever, and would themselves become frustrated and lift the siege. There is no doubt that according to the circumstances of that era, to conquer such fortresses was a very difficult and strenuous task, and demanded a very long siege. As such, the Muslims continued the siege for many days, but there was no outcome. After a few days had passed, and no outcome came about; and the Banū Naḍīr remained bent upon conflict as usual, the Holy Prophet(sa) issued the order that some of the date trees belonging to the Banū Naḍīr, which were situated in the exterior grounds beyond their fortresses should be cut down.13 These trees which were cut down, bore a type of date known as Līnah,14 which is a very low-grade date and its fruit cannot generally be consumed by humans.15 The intention in this order was so that the Banū Naḍīr would become awe-stricken at the sight of these trees being cut down, and so that they would open the gates of their fortresses; in this manner, with the loss of a few trees, the loss of countless lives, as well as conflict and rebellion in the country could be prevented. Hence, this strategy proved to be successful and only six trees had been cut down16 when the Banū Naḍīr began to raise a hue and cry, perhaps under the assumption that the Muslims would cut down all their trees, which included those bearing high quality fruit as well. Nonetheless, as the Holy Qur’ān has elaborated, only a few trees were permitted to be cut down, and even those were of the Līnah date. With respect to the remaining trees, however, it was instructed that they be safeguarded.17 Even under normal circumstances, the Muslims were not permitted to cut down the fruit-bearing trees of their enemy.18 In any case, this strategy proved to be successful and being struck with awe, after a siege of fifteen days, the Banū Naḍīr opened the gates of their fortresses on the condition that they would be permitted to leave with all of their property and belongings in peace and security.19 This was the very same offer which the Holy Prophet(sa) had already presented. Since the only desire of the Holy Prophet(sa) was the establishment of peace, turning a blind eye towards the hardship and expenses, which the Muslims had been made to bear in this campaign, even now, the Holy Prophet(sa) accepted the condition of the Banū Naḍīr and appointed his Companion Muḥammad bin Maslamah(ra) to supervise the departure of the Banū Naḍīr from Madīnah in peace and security.20As such, with great pomp, splendour and magnificence, the Banū Naḍīr took along all their movable belongings and possessions. They even demolished their own homes with their own hands, and dislocated their doors, door-frames, and wood and took them along as well.21 It is written that these people left Madīnah with such joy, pomp and show, singing and playing their instruments, as if they were a marriage procession.22 However, their equipment of war, their immovable property, such as orchards, etc., came in to the hands of the Muslims. Since this wealth had been acquired without any practical war, in light of the Islāmic Sharī‘at, the privilege of its division was solely in the hands of the Messenger of Allāh. The Holy Prophet(sa) mostly divided this wealth among the poor Muhājirīn,23 whose means of sustenance was still being borne by the properties of the Anṣār, according to the initial system of brotherhood. In this manner, the Anṣār indirectly became partners in this wealth of spoils as well.24
When the Banū Naḍīr were departing from Madīnah under the supervision of the Companion Muḥammad bin Maslamah(ra), some of the Anṣār attempted to restrain those people who were actually from the progeny of the Anṣār, but had become Jewish due to vows made by the Anṣār, and the Banū Naḍīr desired to take them along. However, this demand of the Anṣār was against the following Islāmic injunction:
“There should be no compulsion in the matter of religion.”25
Hence, the Holy Prophet(sa) decided against the case presented by the Muslims and issued a verdict in favour of the Jews saying, “We cannot stop any person from leaving who is a Jew and desires to leave.”26 Albeit, two men from the Banū Naḍīr became Muslim of their own choice and remained in Madīnah.27
There is a narration which relates that the Holy Prophet(sa) ordered the Banū Naḍīr to move towards Syria, i.e., that they should not remain in Arabia. However, despite this, a few of their chieftains such as Salām bin Abil- Ḥuqaiq, Kinānah bin Rabī‘ and Ḥuyayy bin Akhṭab, etc, and a segment of their commoners as well, resettled to the north of Ḥijāz in the renowned Jewish village of Khaibar. The people of Khaibar welcomed them with open arms28 and as shall be mentioned later at its appropriate place, these people ultimately became the cause of very dangerous sedition and incitement of war. The Banū Quraiẓah, who ignored all of their treaties and agreements, and acted treacherously towards the Holy Prophet(sa) and abetted the Banū Naḍīr, were forgiven by the Holy Prophet(sa) as an act of benevolence.29 However, the manner in which these wretched people repaid this compassionate treatment shall be mentioned ahead.
The incident of the Banū Naḍīr has been alluded to in Sūrah Ḥashr of the Holy Qur’ān. The entire Sūrah is, more or less, related to this Ghazwah.
1 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, p. 605, Amru Ijlā’i Banin- Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin- Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
2 Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin-Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
3 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, p. 605, Amru Ijlā’i Banin- Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin- Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
4 Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin- Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
5 They knew full well that the easiest and most difinitive means by which the Holy Prophet(sa) could be motivated was by the ploy of ‘preaching.’
6 Sunanu Abī Dāwūd, Kitābul-Kharāji Wal-Imārati....., Bābun Fī Khabarin-Naḍīr, Ḥadīth No. 3004
7 Sharḥul-‘Allāmatiz-Zarqānī ‘Alal-Mawāhibil-Ladunniyyah, By Allāmah Shihābuddīn Al-Qusṭalānī, Volume 2, p. 510, Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
8 Sunanu Abī Dāwūd, Kitābul-Jihād, Bābun Fī Khabarin-Naḍīr, Ḥadīth No. 3004
9 Ṣaḥīḥul-Bukhārī, Kitābul-Maghāzī, Bābun Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr
10 And Allāh knows the truth best [Publishers]
11 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, p. 606, Amru Ijlā’i Banin- Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
12 Ṣaḥīḥul-Bukhārī, Kitābul-Maghāzī, Bābun Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Ḥadīth No. 4028
Ṣaḥīḥu Muslim, Kitābul-Jihād, Bābu Ijlā’il-Yahūdi Minal-Ḥijāz, Ḥadīth No. 4592
13 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, pp. 605-606, Amru Ijlā’i Banin-Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin- Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
14 Al-Hashr (59:6)
15 Ar-Rauḍul-Unufi Fī Tafsīris-Sīratin-Nabawiyyati libni Hishām, By Abul-Qāsim ‘Abdur-Raḥmān bin ‘Abdillah bin Aḥmad, Volume 3, p. 388, Ghazwatu Banin-Naḍīri Wa Mā Nazala Fīhā / Qaṭ‘ul-Līnati Wa Ta’wīluhū, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition
16 Sharḥul-‘Allāmatiz-Zarqānī ‘Alal-Mawāhibil-Ladunniyyah, By Allāmah Shihābuddīn Al-Qusṭalānī, Volume 2, p. 512, Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
17 Al-Ḥashr (59:6)
18 Al-Muwaṭṭā, By Imām Mālik bin Anas, Kitābul-Jihād, Bābun-Nahyi Min-Qatlin-Nisā’i Wal-Wildān, Ḥadīth No. 982
19 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, p. 606, Amru Ijlā’i Banin- Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin- Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
20 Aṭ-Ṭabaqātul-Kubrā, By Muḥammad bin Sa‘d, Volume 2, p. 278, Ghazwatu Rasūlillāhi(sa) Banin-Naḍīr, Dāru Iḥyā’it-Turāthil-‘Arabī, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996)
21 Zarīn referenced by Talkhisus-Sihah
Sharḥul-‘Allāmatiz-Zarqānī ‘Alal-Mawāhibil-Ladunniyyah, By Allāmah Shihābuddīn Al-Qusṭalānī, Volume 2, p. 510, Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996) [Publishers]
22 Tārīkhur-Rusuli Wal-Mulūk (Tārīkhuṭ-Ṭabarī), By Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad bin Jarīr Aṭ-Ṭabarī, Volume 3, p. 91, Thumma Dakhalatis-Sanatur-Rābi‘atu Minal-Hijrah / Khabaru Jalā’i Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Second Edition (2002)
23 Sunanu Abī Dāwūd, Kitābul-Jihād, Bābun Fī Khabarin-Naḍīr, Ḥadīth No. 3004
24 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, p. 606, Amru Ijlā’i Banin- Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
Sharḥul-‘Allāmatiz-Zarqānī ‘Alal-Mawāhibil-Ladunniyyah, By Allāmah Shihābuddīn Al-Qusṭalānī, Volume 2, pp. 519-520, Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (1996) [Publishers]
25 Al-Baqarah (2:257)
26 Sunanu Abī Dāwūd, Kitābul-Jihād, Bābu Fil-Asīri Yukrahu ‘Alal-Islām, Ḥadīth No. 2682
27 As-Sīratun-Nabawiyyah, By Abū Muḥammad ‘Abdul-Mālik bin Hishām, pp. 606-607, Amru Ijlā’i Banin-Naḍīr....., Dārul-Kutubil-‘Ilmiyyah, Beirut, Lebanon, First Edition (2001)
28 Tārīkhur-Rusuli Wal-Mulūk (Tārīkhuṭ-Ṭabarī), By Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad bin Jarīr Aṭ-Ṭabarī, Volume 3, pp. 90-91, Thumma Dakhalatis-Sanatur-Rābi‘atu Minal-Hijrah / Khabaru Jalā’i Banin-Naḍīr, Dārul- Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Second Edition (2002)
29 Ṣaḥīḥul-Bukhārī, Kitābul-Maghāzī, Bābu Ḥadīthu Banin-Naḍīr, Ḥadīth No. 4028
Ṣaḥīḥu Muslim, Kitābul-Jihād Was-Siyar, Bābu Ijlā’il-Yahūdi Minal-Ḥijāz, Ḥadīth No. 4592